I love Robert Carro's writing. Starting off with a discussion about how LBJ could have became an oil man when he was desperate for cash, but turns down the offer not because it was unethical, but because it would damage his shot at the presidency when he was still just a junior congressman, showing the scope, his Benegesserit-like foresight.

Describes the Texan political landscape that LBJ grew up in in the 20s 30s and 40s as an agricultural barter economy in an age of radio and television when there wasn't much radio or television to speak.

Also love that Caro started out intending this to be a three volume series, and it got away from him as the secrecy which he was aware of while penning this introduction rapidly got away from him in spiraled into the five part saga that as of yet remains unfinished.

Money shaped his entire outlook on public office, he brought financial contributions into the lexicon of political campaigns, starting at the congressional level in Texas, and though he was broke as a junior congressman, he entered the Oval Office as perhaps the wealthiest person to ever hold that office at the time, with his wealth estimated to be $14 million, which seems like a gross overestimate at the time, but now upon writing was a gross underestimate according to close advisors

The FCC created the Johnson media Empire, which began in Texas, but eventually expanded throughout the United States, giving him a propagandistic monopoly on media.

Lyndon Johnson demonstrated an interest in political affairs and the news from a young age growing up in the 20s, his father, a moderately successful politician in their small town unfortunately lost everything and had to become a subsistence farmer living beyond their means in a world that was quickly becoming globalized, economy, etc., and I think this aristocratic rise followed shortly by a fault object poverty, heavily shaped both Johnson's exposure to and outlook on politics

Lyndon did not go to college, despite his parents, best efforts and sparse lack of funds. He instead flood town to go work in California as a clerk, for a Nevada law, practice, where he studied the books on his own time and ultimately started practicing law as a proxy for Martin, who became a drunk and a deadbeat, unable to pay the bills for his own office. Johnson only 17 at the time, was dismayed that it would not be possible for him to get his Nevada law license until he was 21 and then was going to have to wait an additional three years before he could earn the reciprocal license from California to practice in the state where he really wanted to be, and furthermore.

Kind of tutored under the questionable tutelage of Clarence Martin, who ended up driving him back to Johnson City, Texas after that whole shit was up only a year and a half after he had run away from home to go begin working for Martin

He was very rebellious upon returning, still as a child not even an adult to his parents house, he and some old running buddies started stealing, dynamite and blowing shit up around town, including stringing, dynamite up from the telephone lines in front of the courthouse, putting out all the windows on the block

entered college in 1927

During his first year on the Hill as a staffer, Democrats managed to regain a majority in the house and five of the committee chairs went to candidates from Texas

Found his edge in politics in Kleberg's office as his clerk, as a slave driver, responding to every single letter, and addressing every single newspaper from the county, no matter how small by the time that most offices had opened up, he and his crew were almost finished, addressing all of the mail

Forcing people to come into the bathroom while he was pooping in order to take dictation. A power tactic, which is later described as hiring criteria, being subjugation or subservience far out weighing dignity.

Tariffs hindering agriculture led to government buyback programs, which had the adverse incentive of encouraging farmers to produce more making the whole situation even worse. They had to go into immense death and by the end of the 20s 1/3rd of Iowa and of Mississippi were up for auction.

At the age of 24, similarly to what he did with the white star club in college, he turned a social group known as small Congress, which hosted mock debates of real congressional bills, usually by other congressional staffers and got himself elected

Though he inwardly opposed the new deal, he recognized it as a vehicle of political capital for him to spend to get what he wanted, which was a name for himself

Rayburn, who’s father was jaded by eastern elites/yankees who defeated his own confederate father/family, was such a principled man that when he did make it to congress he had to defy his hero WW to his face himself saying “I’m sorry I can’t go along with you Mr President”

Rayburn said that he only spoke the truth, so he didn't need a good memory. I get what he's saying, and it's bad ass, but it's also reading in infallible authority to everything he says, not just recollections of fact. Additionally, he knew all of the districts, and implored his underlings or subordinate congressman to vote, according to their districts. Understanding them when they had to break from party lines in order to appease their constituents, but when told I wish I could've voted with you on that bill he confronted one congressman saying I've known that district since before you were born you.

Don't you come crawling across the room to tell me that you wish you could've voted for the Bill because that's a damn lie. It's a damn lie and you're a damn liar.

The back half of this book paints a picture of the agrarian lifestyle that remained unelectrified despite the widespread adoption of electricity for decades to that point. Johnson gain popularity and favor amongst Texans at large or in his ability to get them electricity and make them feel like they earned it rather than were indebted to a government handout for it.

Much to Johnson's chagrin, the House of Representatives was ruled by an oligarchy

Age not ability or Energy guaranteed membership in the house leadership. And age was no guarantee, for one had to continue to get reelected.

Johnson, who's first year in Congress was 1937, did not introduce the national bill until 1941 which only served to consolidate personal power for himself by merging to existing new deal things to like a junior ROTC sort of poor agency to which he hooked FDR would appoint him for his experience with the young men group

Fewer congressmen were more inactive than Johnson in the house. Lobbying for very few bills against few bills, raising almost no parliamentary points of interest, answering no questions, nor petitioning other outspoken congressman to lobby for his points. He kept such a low profile in order to better his chances in the future.

He shouted at Roosevelt Roosevelt, Roosevelt in order to get into Congress, and into Congress. He shouted nothing.

Johnson manages to ingratiate himself and become FDR's man in Texas despite the fact that Rayburn becomes speaker of the house to his hero and the person whom he served loyalty. Johnson pulled the strings behind the scene to tar and paint Rayburn as not just a sympathizer for but the architect of the stop Roosevelt initiative.

East Texas oil Fields in the 1930s was producing more oil than any other state or field or nation

By applying pressure to Rayburn through FDR, Johnson got himself appointed to the DNC's campaign finance committee and then used his wealthy Texan wildcat oil friends to solicit the maximum individual contributions to the committee so that he could oversee strategic allocation effectively painting the presidential election in which FDR was running more or less uncontested as the diagnostic income. Congressional districts lived and died by Johnson's allocation though.

Johnson was able to use his network of congressional campaign funding connections in order to be out even Gallup posters for boots on the ground information about how FDR was pulling windows in tested district

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